10 thoughts on “Bastiljin Pandoran lippaan avaamisen vuosipäivänä…

  1. elikar

    Viihdyin sen verran hyvin Samppalinnan maauimalan
    hyväntekeväisyysyöuinneilla
    että tulin viettäneeksi
    siellä noin kolme tuntia ensin laskevan auringon valon
    ja sitten altaan ympärille sytytettyjen tulien
    loisteen & höyryävän veden osaltaan loihtimissa
    tunnelmissa, mistä johtuen koetan pistäytyä moisilla
    ainakin kertaalleen uudelleen tänä kuluvana kesänä.
    Oli hilkulla etteivät Turun Sanomien toimittajiksi
    esittäytyneet tytöt tulleet haastattelemaan minua
    altaan reunalle
    , jolloin olisin voinut kenties todeta
    heille kysyvästi pieni, hieman arvoituksellinenkin, pilke
    silmäkulmassa liittyen mietteisiini että eikö perjantai 13.päivän
    iltana muka ole aivan hyvä aika kastautumiselle näin
    Ranskan kansallispäivän aattona ja jättää sanomatta
    täydentävän tummemman huumorin merkeissä
    monitulkintaisesti että ei se Ranskan “suureksi”
    joidenkin kutsuma vallankumous
    nyt aivan mikään
    maailmanloppu sentään ollut… Eivät suinkaan kaikki
    konservatiivien ja liberalistien aatteellisen sektorin
    suunnalle asemoitavissa olevat kommentaattorit ole
    olleet varauksettoman innoissaan
    valtiovarainministerin pestissä aiemmin toimineen ja
    jogurttifirma Danonen siirtymisen pois ranskalaisesta
    omistuksesta sen “strategiseen merkitykseen” Ranskalle
    vetoamalla estäneen Nicolas Sarkozyn noususta
    presidentiksi sekä aivan usko tämän mahdollisuuksiin
    toimia minään tuon maan omana Margaret Thatcherinä
    olkootkin että tämä monessa onkin, ainakin sanoissaan,
    vaihtoehtona parempi kuin edeltäjänsä tai vaalien
    aikainen pääkilpailijattarensa. Yksi tällainen
    epäilevä ääni kuuluu kanaalin skottilaisella puolella
    Gerald Warnerille, joka osoittaa syyttävällä sormella
    Ranskan poliittisen kulttuurin syvätendenssejä sekä
    tarjoaa oman ratkaisunsa sen ongelmiin:

    The real problem for France is its political culture. The nation is living a morbid myth. The state is heir to two of the most murderous criminal enterprises in European history: the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Empire. Bastille Day commemorates the mass murder, by the Paris mob, of the French equivalent of the Chelsea Pensioners, while liberating seven well-heeled sociopaths from luxurious confinement. At least in Germany today the anniversary of Kristallnacht is not a public holiday.

    The Paris Commune of 1871, which murdered the Archbishop of Paris, and the relentless persecution of the Church by the Waldeck-Rousseau and Émile Combes régimes in the early 1900s symbolise the undying antipathy between two concepts of France. The phenomenon of Vichy was only possible because, to one half of France, the destruction of the sewer that was the Third Republic represented liberation, even if its authors were the hated Boche.

    Deputies in the National Assembly are currently exploiting “holocaust denial” laws to force the state to acknowledge the genocide of 400,000 Catholics in the Vendée during the revolutionary Terror. The government shot itself in the foot in 1989 when attempts to celebrate the bicentenary of the Revolution provoked revulsion, as the atrocities attendant on that crime were exposed. Support for restoration of the monarchy passed the 20% mark for the first time since 1877.

    There is much more than the economy ailing in France. It is not a society at ease with itself. The cult of the fonctionnaire and the dead hand of the state is the poisoned legacy of 1789. A true national, cultural and spiritual renewal, in the challenging era of the 21st century, cannot be supplied by Nicolas Sarkozy. It was an unusually insightful American commentator, William S Lind, who recently prescribed the remedy: “A few of us, Americans and Frenchmen, know the new politics France needs is really an old, old politics. Its faith is in Christ the King, not cultural Marxism. Its banner is golden lilies on Bourbon white, not the hideous tricolor of revolution.”

    Most unusually for an American, Lind has divined the cultural trauma afflicting France and the radical solution. Although it may well take several generations yet, the most holistic assertion of national identity would be for France to summon the heir of its ancient kings to the throne of his ancestors.

    Tällainen analyysi lääkkeineen tietysti viehätti joitakin tahoja rojalistisissa piireissä ja omaakin toki omat ansionsa mutta unohtaa ei kuitenkaan sovi sitäkään että vallankumous kiihdytti jo aiemmin alkanutta vallankeskitystä, joka osaltaan seuraamuksineen on yksi ranskalaistenkin kohtaamista ongelmista.

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  2. elikar

    EU:n uudistettu perustuslaillinen sopimus saattaa johtaa muutokseen unionin kilpailupolitiikassa. Näin siksi, että huippukokouksessa sopimuskompromissin viime hetkillä pudotettiin pois kilpailua koskeva tavoite perustuslakisopimuksen alussa olevasta, unionin tavoitteet luetteloivasta johdanto-osasta.
    Viidenkymmenen vuoden ajan unionin keskeisenä tavoitteena ovat olleet “sisämarkkinat, joilla kilpailu on vapaata ja vääristymätöntä”. Nähtäväksi jää, miten tämän kilpailumantraksi ja ideologiaksi muodostuneen tavoitteen poistaminen vaikuttaa komission taisteluun jäsenvaltioiden protektionistisia toimenpiteitä ja kiellettyjä valtiontukia vastaan.

    Ranskan presidentti Nicolas Sarkozy ajoi muutosta kilpailulausekkeen poistamiseksi perustuslaillisen sopimuksen johdannosta todeten unionin muuttuneen liian anglosaksiseksi. Britannia puolestaan oli vastahakoinen luopumaan lausekkeesta, sillä koko tähänastisen yhdentymisen yhtenä keskeisimpänä tavoitteena on ollut yhteisön sitoutuminen vapaan ja vääristymättömän kilpailun turvaamiseen.”

    “Joka tapauksessa jo nyt on selvää, ettäRanskan presidentti Nicolas Sarkozy on avannut uudenlaisen keskustelun, jossa sana protektionismi esiintyy uudessa sävyssä, eikä se enää suoraan kuulu ei-toivottujen sanojen listalle. Sarkozyn käsityksen mukaan kansallinen teollisuusstrategia ei ole oikeus vaan velvollisuus.

    EU-kilpailuoikeuteen perehtynyt oikeustieteen tohtori Marjo Ojala 17.7.2007 Helsingin Sanomien Vieraskynä palstalla

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  3. elikar

    Kommentteja maailmalta 219 vuotta myöhemmin…

    :
    As a monarchist, I’ve long been perturbed by the irony of sharing a birthday with Bastille Day. How dare the French celebrate their vile Revolution, which led to the deaths of so many innocent people and paved the way for Nazism and Communism, on my birthday!

    Theodore Harvey 14.7.2008

    219 years ago today, on 14 July 1789, the original terrorists — the Revolutionaries of France — initiated their diabolical democratic movement with the storming of the Bastille. So many of the ills of the world since then began then and there.

    Bruce Lewis 14.7.2008

    Today is one of the darkest anniversaries in the history of the West, competing with the fall of Constantinople in 1453, and the beginning of World War I in August 1914. I hope you’ll join me in raising a toast to the men of the Vendee, who led the Resistance

    John Zmirak 14.7.2008


    Vive le Roi! - 14.heinäkuuta

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  4. elikar

    “Presidentti suomi myös rankoin sanankääntein kapitalismin nykymenoa. Hänen mukaansa idea siitä, että markkinat ovat aina oikeassa ja idea siitä, ettei markkinoita tulisi säädellä lainkaan, ovat “hulluutta“.”

    -Ranskan tasavallan presidentti Nikolas Sarkozy torstaisessa linjapuheessaan 25.9.2008 Yleisradion mukaan AFP:hen & Reutersiin viitaten

    The color red become associated with patriotism early in the French Revolution due to the popularity of the Phrygian cap and designs based on the Tricolor Flag, both introduced in 1790. A red flag was raised over the Champ-de-Mars in Paris on July 17, 1791 by Mayor Jean-Sylvain Bailly as a symbol of martial law, warning rioters to disperse. Over fifty anti-royalist protesters were killed in the fighting that followed. Oddly inverting the original symbolism, the Jacobins protested this action by flying a red flag to honor the “martyrs’ blood” of those who had been killed. The Jacobin Club ruled France during the Reign of Terror (1793-94) and made the Red Flag an unofficial national flag. However, the earlier Tricolor flag never lost its official status and regained popularity under Napoleon.

    Wikipedia muistuttaen punalipun juurista syvällä Ranskan vallankumouksessa

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  5. elikar

    The Economistin tuoreimmasta numerosta löytyvä “Is Sarkozy a closet socialist? ” -artikkeli puntaroi Ranskan nykyisen presidentin punaisempaa puolta seuraavasti tässä yli puolet alkuperäisestä jutusta käsittävässä sitaatissani moisen viitteistä:

    WITH delicious unintended symbolism, the French Socialists are meeting in Reims, capital of champagne country, between November 14th and 16th to elect a new leader. The party is deeply split by personal rivalries, with four front-runners for the top job. One contender, however, will not appear on the ballot, even if on recent form he might deserve to: Nicolas Sarkozy, the centre-right president.

    Mr Sarkozy was elected last year on a promise to get the French back to work, to allow them to earn more, to end the welfare culture and to encourage risk and reward merit. But recently the president has sounded a different note. He has declared that “laissez-faire capitalism is over” and railed against the “dictatorship of the market”. He is setting up a “strategic national investment fund” to take stakes in French companies so as to protect them from foreign predators. His prime minister, François Fillon, has threatened to nationalise banks unless they lend more to companies. And Mr Sarkozy has also pledged to create 100,000 state-subsidised jobs of just the sort favoured by a former Socialist government, which he denounced vigorously during his election campaign.

    This lurch to the left has not gone unremarked by real socialists. Martin Schulz, German leader of the Socialist group in the European Parliament, has congratulated the French president for “speaking like a real European socialist”. It was a taunt that the president chose, uncharacteristically, not to dismiss. “Have I become socialist?” he wondered. “Perhaps.” The ambiguity is such that some on the left now see a need to reclaim their ideology. A testy Pierre Moscovici, a French Socialist, insisted to the newspaper Le Parisien recently that “No, Mr Sarkozy is not a socialist.”

    Part of Mr Sarkozy’s enthusiasm for state intervention can be explained by the financial crisis. With even the Americans and British bailing out companies with public money, the state is back in favour in the least likely places. The word “French”, which during the invasion of Iraq in 2003 was sometimes employed in America as an abusive synonym for “spineless”, is now more likely to be used to mean “socialist”. When Jim Bunning, an American senator, heard that the government had taken control of two big American mortgage lenders he said he felt as if he had “woken up in France”. In some ways, indeed, Mr Sarkozy is simply returning to French interventionist tradition, with the economic crisis providing a ready excuse.

    Yet the Americans and British consider such policies least-bad solutions, to be reversed as soon as possible. Mr Sarkozy actually believes in an activist state in certain areas. He has long advocated a forceful industrial policy, for example, on the ground that “once the factories go, everything goes.” Well before the financial crisis, he championed, against German doctrine, a political counterweight to the European Central Bank. Such talk has delighted European socialists, who have found unlikely common cause with the centre-right president. The same goes for his calls for a cap on executive pay and an end to golden parachutes, which might have been lifted from socialist scripture.

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  6. EIK

    Viime aikoina keskusteluihin Ranskan vallankumouksesta on myös noussut kysymys siitä minkälaisen verilöylyn näyttämönä Länsi-Ranskan rannikolla Atlantin tuulten pieksemänä sijaitsevan Vendéen departementin alue lopulta todella toimikaan terrorivallan aikana:

    In early 1794 – at the height of the Reign of Terror – French soldiers marched to the Atlantic Vendée, where peasants had risen up against the Revolutionary government in Paris.

    Twelve “infernal columns” commanded by General Louis-Marie Turreau were ordered to kill everyone and everything they saw. Thousands of people – including women and children – were massacred in cold blood, and farms and villages torched.

    In the city of Nantes, the Revolutionary commander Jean-Baptiste Carrier disposed of Vendéean prisoners-of-war in a horrifically efficient form of mass execution. In the so-called “noyades” –mass drownings – naked men, women, and children were tied together in specially constructed boats, towed out to the middle of the river Loire and then sunk.

    Now Vendée, a coastal department in western France, is calling for the incident to be remembered as the first genocide in modern history.

    Residents claim the massacre has been downplayed so as not to sully the story of the French Revolution.

    Historians believe that around 170,000 Vendéeans were killed in the peasant war and the subsequent massacres – and around 5,000 in the noyades.

    When it was over, French General Francois Joseph Westermann penned a letter to the Committee of Public Safety stating: “There is no more Vendée… According to the orders that you gave me, I crushed the children under the feet of the horses, massacred the women who, at least for these, will not give birth to any more brigands. I do not have a prisoner to reproach me. I have exterminated all.”

    The bloody events of the Vendée were long absent from French history books, because of the evil light they shed on the Revolutionaries. However, they were well known in the Soviet bloc. Lenin himself had studied the war there and drew inspiration for his policies towards the peasantry.

    Vendée

    Sitaatit ovat Henry Samuelinkirjoituksesta Vendée French call for revolution massacre to be termed ‘genocide’ sekä Elena Maria Vidalin omasta Genocide in the Vendée kommenttipuheenvuorostansa siihen hänen Tea at Trianon -blogistansa että suoraan alkuperäisestä The Daily Telegraphin artikkelista.

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  7. Elias Karlin

    Viime maanantaina Ranskan presidentti Nicolas Sarkozy totesi Yleisradion mukaan parlamentille: “uskovansa, että talouskriisin jälkeinen maailma arvostaa enemmän Ranskan valtiojohtoista talousmallia, joka yhdistää julkisen ja yksityisen sektorin.”

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  8. elikar Post author

    Heinäkuun neljäntenätoistapäivänä vallankumous ei paitsi vain puhjennut vaan myös sen kauas kurottavien oksalehvästöjen muuan haara kantoi 1900-luvun hedelmäänsä kun vuonna 1933 Saksan kansallissosialistisesta työväenpuolueesta tuli Kolmannen valtakunnan ainoa laillinen puolue gleichschaltungpolitiikan eli yhtenäistämispolitiikan eräänä keskeisenä askeleena, jota englanninkielinen Wikipedia kuvaa tavoitteineen seuraavasti:

    Gleichschaltung, meaning “coordination”, “making the same”, “bringing into line” is a Nazi term for the process by which the Nazi regime successively established a system of totalitarian control over the individual, and tight coordination over all aspects of society and commerce. The historian Richard J. Evans offered the term “forcible-coordination” in his most recent work on Nazi Germany. One goal of this policy was to eliminate individualism by forcing everybody to adhere to a specific doctrine and way of thinking and to control as many aspects of life as possible using an invasive police force.

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